Ali Baba’s fellow

Is there any flat vacant at Edgware Road, London? That is where the future of Sheikh Rashid lies in waiting. With his defeat in his mother constituency NA-55, the lesson is delivered: opportunism has no more places to stay in the political domain of Pakistan. With that democracy has matured one step further; with that the voters proved their political maturity; and with that democracy got suitable for the genius of the Pakistanis.

Tyranny ravaging Rashid was not only that he was traitorous to his previous affiliations, the leadership of the PML-N, but also that he ganged up with a dictator, General Pervaiz Musharraf, and helped the dictator perpetuate dictatorship. The voters of the NA-55 might have felt cheated on that account. Further, the ultimate victims of the political circus staged by Rashid and alike were the people of Pakistan who remained deprived of representative democracy for almost eight years.                                                 

During his pro-Musharraf spell, Rashid defended and justified all the ills done by Musharraf. The people of Rawalpindi were expecting from him to play a role in defusing the Jamia Hafsa crisis in July 2007. Rashid did not do that because he was bent on pleasing his master, Musharraf, to whom he used to call ‘Syed Musharraf’ – to rave about Musharraf’s puritan character. Perhaps, Rashid had calculated that Musharraf was there to stay for a longer stint and that the role of the army could not be minimized from the political sphere of the country. That assumption was the life and blood for all the brags Rashid used to utter publicly. Rashid intertwined his future with Musharraf. Nevertheless, criminal silence of Rashid on the Jamia Hafsa issue cost him election in 2008. Ijaz ul Haq also met the same fate because of the same reasons. 

After Nov-3 (2007), when Musharraf deposed and detained the judges of the Supreme Court, this was Rashid who used to swank louder than Musharraf about impossibility for restoration of the deposed judges. Subsequently, Musharraf had to flee from the national political scene and take refuge in London but Rashid – the last man standing – is yet to join him. 

By his deeds, Rashid could not prove himself the ‘Son of Rawalpindi’ but the son of the land where every rising sun was considered god and thereby worthy to be worshipped. On the other hand, Javed Hashmi proved himself an antithesis to Rashid. Hashmi remained imprisoned during most of Musharraf’s tenure. Rashid used to jeer at Hashmi for his being honest in democratic character and loyal to the party, the PML-N. Hashmi braved every odd coming in his way and is now enjoying both respect and freedom while Rashid has domed his political career and earned disgrace. Nevertheless, a Pir Pigara may born in Rashid making predictions for others but nothing to serve for himself. The Awami League of Rashid has been defeated thrice at the hands of Awam (people) making the neo-born party taste sudden death immediately after its birth. 

For the democratic future of the country, the electoral defeat of Rashid was a must thing to have happened. The first reason is people relying on undemocratic forces to ensure their rise as politicians should be discouraged. Secondly, politicians banking on the undemocratic forces to do the voters’ job to cast votes in their favour should be dispirited. The role of the ‘angels’ had marred the democratic face of the country making the voters irrelevant to the whole electoral process. Resultantly, the political spectrum got abundant pliant politicians ready to speak the language of benefactors if and when required. 

Rashid knew well that his political survival hinged on the goodwill of those ‘angels’. Rashid was so confident in receiving benevolence from those quarters that he did not hide the prop from general public: Rashid’s association with the ‘angels’ was otherwise an open secret. To the ‘angels’, Rashid might have promised reciprocity as he delivered to Musharraf. Unfortunately, in the general election of 2008, the ‘angels’ could not descend in droves to help Rashid out. Consequently, Rashid licked dust. 

One thing is clear that the electoral constituency of the NA-55 now belongs to the PML-N. The PPP bet the wrong horse and not only violated the spirit of the CoD but also lowered the hopes of win of the PPP in any forthcoming elections. Nawaz had to come personally to the NA-55 to ensure victory of the nominee of the PML-N, Malik Shakeel Awan. Nawaz’s arrival meant that the PML-N was sure that the PPP vote would be cast in favour of Rashid. That was how the bad blood created between the two signatories of the CoD. Faisal Raza Abidi, backed by the presidential camp working in Punjab, must be embarrassed of his efforts to stir the PPP voters in favour of Rashid: the end is not justifying the means adopted by the presidential camp through the proxies. 

On the other horizon, the Prime Minster Yusuf Raza Gillani was all out to mend fences with the PML-N leadership at Raiwand, Lahore. The Minister of Finance Shaukat Tareen became the casualty of that episode. Tareen had to resign from his ministerial post because the audio tape of the dialogue exchanged between Gillani and Nawaz at the occasion of a joint press conference in Raiwand brought shame for him. Now, the need to get Ishaq Dar back to improve the economy sector depends on whether or not the 18th Constitutional Amendment is passed in March 2010. 

Anyway, in the fall of Rashid are the lessons to be learnt by many including Maulana Fazal ur Rehman of the JUI-F. Nevertheless, Chaudhrys of the PML-Q must be rethinking of their strategy how to forward their political future in the changed atmosphere charged with political awareness of the voters. How many more vacant flats are required at Edgware Road, London, is yet to be seen? Ali Baba must not feel lonely and bore there.

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Scandal of Aisha Steel Mill, Karachi

An Urdu version of the scandal of Aisha Steel Mill, Karachi, and its relationship to the sale scandal of Pakistan’s embassy in Japan is available here.

On the extreme left, you can find page one. Then move on towards right to find the next pages and then go to the next line below to follow the same pattern. (Click on the pages to enlarge them.)

The sale scandal of the embassy on the Royal TV

Part 1 and Part 2 are two subsections of the programme telecasted on Friday (08.01.2010) while Part 3 and Part 4 (11.01.2010) are the two subsections of the programme telecasted on Monday on Royal TV. Click on the links and watch the programs:

part 1
http://www.4shared.com/file/198132568/97816dbe/news_2_day_part_01.html

 part 2

http://www.4shared.com/file/197920038/614f48af/news_2_day_part_02_08012010.html

 part 3

http://www.4shared.com/file/198144765/7dff46a1/news_today_part_03.html

part 4

http://www.4shared.com/file/198020635/ca346981/news_today_part_04.html?err=no-sess

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Scandal of Pakistan’s embassy in Japan

The embassy of Pakistan in Japan (both the building of the embassy and the residence of the ambassador) was sold for 6.3 billion yen while the estimated value of only land was around 12 billion yen. The sale was done under a swap deal with a Japanese Real Estate Company, Nomura Estate, under the pretext, as declared by Ashgar Ali Golo, the then first secretary, that not more than three story building could be built on the land (situated in Motoazabu, Minato Ward, Tokyo). Now, the buyer is building seven story building there while the buyer has got approval of eight story building. The then ambassador Kamran Niaz approved the deal on the recommendation of a committee (constituted by him) consisting of his subordinate officers (first secretary, third secretary and defence attache). The new land was purchased at half of its market price as per the Japanese rules by the Govt of Pakistan from the Govt of Japan. The new land (situated in Minamiazabu, Minato Ward, Tokyo) was bought for about 4 billion yen (the full price was around 8 billion yen). According to the ambassador, the buyer company would build a new building of embassy and more than three story apartments but the question is if the construction and maintenance of the new building/premises worth 2.3 billion yen (6.3 – 4=2.3)? Secondly, why the old embassy was sold at the price less than half of the market price? How much money has beem embezzled by the embassy staff and the foreign office of Pakistan is yet to be known. The Pakistani community in Tokyo, Japan, staged a demonstration in front of the embassy on the alleged corruption and kickbacks involved in the deal. On April 14, 2009, the community representatives also presented their joint complaint to Shah Mehmood Qureshi, the Foreign Minister of Pakistan, on his visit to Tokyo to attend the Donor’s Conference but no enquiry into the alleged deal/sale has been held. It is alleged that the ambassador Kamran Niaz got kickbacks and invested the money in Aisha Steel Mill, Karachi, where the ambassador is now a director. Kamran was on extension of his service (one year extension) when he approved the sale of the embassy in 2007 and just after retirement in 2008, Kamran joined the steel mill as its director. In the past, the ambassadors like Tauqeer Hussain and Mujahid Hussain had refused to sell the embassy less than 20 billion yen. There are other questions surrounding the co-directors of the Aisha Steel Mill like Mr Haseeb. For instance, it is not clear from where he got US $49 million to invest in the Steel Mill to become its major share holder (49%). It is alleged that Haseeb was the front man acting for Kamran, as Haseeb has no profitable business in Japan to gather such a huge amount. It is also on record that Kamran was instrumental in arranging meetings of Haseeb with the former PM of Pakistan, Shaukat Aziz. The Public Accounts Committee of the National Assembly has taken notice of the scandal and asked the Foreign Office to explain its position within 15 days.

The sale scandal on the Royal TV

Part 1 and Part 2 are two subsections of the programme telecasted on Friday (08.01.2010) while Part 3 and Part 4 (11.01.2010) are the two subsections of the programme telecasted on Monday on Royal TV. Click on the links and watch the programs

 part 1
http://www.4shared.com/file/198132568/97816dbe/news_2_day_part_01.html

 part 2

http://www.4shared.com/file/197920038/614f48af/news_2_day_part_02_08012010.html

 part 3

http://www.4shared.com/file/198144765/7dff46a1/news_today_part_03.html

part 4

http://www.4shared.com/file/198020635/ca346981/news_today_part_04.html?err=no-sess

Comments (7)

Welcome 2010!

“I am not [biting my fingernails]. I am biting my knuckles. I finished the fingernails months ago” said Joseph Mankiewicz in 1909 while directing Cleopatra.

In the national political scene in Pakistan, if the year 2009 is dedicated to biting fingernails and waiting with anxiety what happens next, the year 2010 can safely be donated to biting knuckles and preparing for the decisive turn of events.

At last, under a pang of conscience, Prime Minister Yusuf Raza Gillani has acknowledged that procrastination in implementation of the CoD has created a wedge of mistrust between the two major political parties, the PPP and the PML-N. The realization is not too late. There is still time to mend fences and revive the spirit of bonhomie existed between the two main parties in the year 2008.

But then importance of the CoD is meant not only for trust reconstruction but also for keeping the non-democratic factors out of domain of politics. The way the omen of conflicts popped up in the last days of the year 2009 when President Asif Ali Zardari “confessed” more than sixty items of “guilt” while delivering a speech at Nau Daro, Sind (on the eve of death anniversary of late Benazir Bhutto), the year 2010 holds potential to add fuel to the proverbial fire. Confrontation with establishment may be in the offing; gloomy prognostications are in abundance. To what extent the military prevails over its predatory (political) instinct will be judged in the year 2010? Nevertheless, the year 2009 has passed but no tangible development has taken place to apprehending the culprit who masterminded the plan of assassination of Benazir. The question is if the culprit was Baitullah Mehsud and when he is dead, what is the UN investigation mission doing around?

In the lexicon of a calendar, the next year is the beginning of a new time period but in the stream of time, the next year is a carry-over artefact of the previous year. What is done today the fruits of that are reaped tomorrow. On December 31, 2009, the Local Government System (LGS) erected by the regime of General Pervaiz Musharraf died of its natural death owing to indifference of the present political players towards continuation of the system. In the context of Pakistan, it is not the functional significance of a system to let decide its fate, it is the factor of legacy which is enough to decide the future of a project. One of the major problems with the LGS is that it is the legacy of a military dictator. But then the LGS is protected under the constitution through Article 270AA (Seventeenth Constitutional Amendment). It means that in 2010 a Pandora box will be opened, the courts will be flooded with constitutional writ petitions, and protests will be staged under the leadership of Danyal Aziz, the proponent of the LGS, to defend the constitutional position of the LGS (unless the system is changed through another constitutional amendment) leading to another milieu of confrontation.

One of the basic flaws in the ongoing experience of democracy is that it was perched on the hinges of the NRO. The year 2009 was about the NRO’s future (which was made bleak by the Supreme Court); the year 2010 is going to be about the future of those benefitted by the NRO. The presidential immunity enshrined in the constitution may be enough to keep Zardari in the safe background but what about other beneficiaries. That question has brought a section of the media against the sitting government. Resultantly, the year 2010 may be provisioned for – a sort of – confrontation between the government and the media.

Two major achievements of the present government at the federal level are issuance of the Balochistan package and proclamation of the NFC award. The efforts were to appease the federating units by addressing their grievances. But one of the demands of Balochistan was provincial autonomy. Hardly has any word uttered about that. To what extent the package and the award are proved substitutes for provincial autonomy is yet to be seen. The source of conflict holds potential to prejudice chances of success of both package and award for Balochistan: political dimension of the issue may overshadow economic aspect. Nevertheless, in sequel to the NFC, the centre has been left with less economic resources than before. Will the centre pare down its non-development expenditures will be seen in the year 2010?

The war on terror is the next issue. The war used to be a problem before the year 2009 and unless the war was owned. The de facto position is that the war is Pakistan’s war and the US (and the likeminded) are just helping Pakistan monetarily and economically to let Pakistan deal with the war. Of course, Pakistan is first: Pakistan would have withdrawn had it been the second. The blood and bomb conflict may continue between the disgruntled citizens and the assertive state: Pakistanis may be punished for not influencing the government for withdrawing from the ownership of the war. Whether another Iraq is reincarnating in Pakistan is yet to be seen.

With the advent of the year 2010, Pakistanis have heard the war frenzied statements coming from the Indian military top brass. The pugnacious mood has been shown when the ‘Amin key Asha’ programme has just been jointly launched by the major media groups of both India and Pakistan. The war-mongering statement has proved that the Indian army is also a party to peace in the region. What would Advocate Asma Jehangir say now who used to heap criticism on Pakistan army for its jingoistic approach thereby becoming an obstacle to peace between the two countries? It is yet to decipher what exactly prompted the Indian military to issue the statement before the traditional India-Pakistan military rivalry could yield some nasty results in the year 2010.

Finger nails have been bitten: the era of anxiety is over. It is now the turn of the knuckles: the decision time has arrived. Welcome the year 2010!

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